Introduction:
The concept of Jiā家, family, in China has been one of the most supported values through millenniums, in majority enforced by the State and founded on Confucianism. Given China's history, divergent and more complex evolution compared to Westerner's societies, it is of an academical but as well actual societal interest, to study the modernisation of Jiā家's gender roles ideals through times. I will articulate Chinese linguistic terms and historical gender studies cues to define Jiā家 gender roles ideals in a comprehensible manner. The following study will present this modernisation from Late Qing, through Republican period, People Republic of China decades, to Post-Mao period up to today.
Late Imperial period:
Qing dynasty's social norms were deep rooted in Confucianism. The family's gender roles back then, as for many other dynasties, were to further a hierarchical concept which could be simultaneously found in the cosmological notions such as Yīnyáng 阴阳. (Brownell &Wasserstrom 2002, p.26) Yīnyáng's notion and written form are a small part of a greater ideological process in Chinese written characters, which with their daily usage by the people influenced for millennia Chinese societies and their social norms. It being called The Chinese ideological Machine. (Hodge & Louie 1998, p.49) Human relationships and their ethics Lúnlǐ 伦理were to match or aligned with Yīnyáng 's dynamic, cooperative but under the authority of Patriarchy/Yáng.
In China gender roles traditionally were not defined by one's sex, but one's roles in the family. Women became women only through their roles of mothers and wives once married and once they would give birth to sons. (Brownell &Wasserstrom 2002, p.14) A son would be better than a daughter as it carries the patriline. A husband would be in charge and have complete dominance over his wife, which lead to the foundation of Qing's Patriarchal society; the men are to sexually restrain themselves, cultivate themselves and be responsible to carry on their legacy with sons as heirs. As sexual desires were recognize as human innate needs, Shí sè xìng yě 食色性也,since Ancient China by scholars such as Mencius, the precariousness of sexual desires in Qing's society was very present and affected family gender roles. Those tensions made 男女有别nánnǚyǒubié norms (Sexes segregation term originating from Han Dynasty) a fixation of the Nation State. Enforcing hierarchy and patriarchal's ruling norms State-wide was a systematic pre-occupation reflected in Qing's laws, handbooks and propaganda to make sure people would uphold social norms. In this matter nánnǚyǒubiéwas brought to a new field of completion, as wives, mothers and daughters would be secluded “IN” at home, forbidden to interact with others, and husbands, fathers and sons would be “OUT”, working and socialising. (Mann 2011, p.28) This segregation of sexes induced systematically the allocation of tasks in society and definition of family gender roles. Jiā家 in China was the foremost area for the development of those gender roles, there was a dichotomy of sexuality and pleasure, Jiāwould exist to create the next generation as a social duty. (Brownell &Wasserstrom 2002, p.32)
Transition from Qing to Republican period:
After a much humiliating period of Opium Wars and Unequal Treaties, the Nation State as well as many Chinese intellectuals begun to question women's condition and their roles in society. The term of 賢妻良母 Xián Qī Liáng Mù “Good wife, Wise mother”appeared at a time when China longed for social reforms and breaking archaic family system norms, gain wealth and engage in modernization to be able to keep up with powerful foreign nations. In opposition to the Confucian “ignorant woman” ideal, Xián Qī Liáng Mù was one of the first step towards rejecting feudalism and the past autocracies' backwardness. Women would be educated to help build a stronger country economically and nurture the future generations. (Sechiyama 2013, p.61) As well the emergence and evolution ofNǚxìng 女性 and Nánxìng 男性 terms were most determinate. As Chinese written form had an ideological important value, many felt the need to categorise feminity and masculinity out of archaic Confucianist concepts. Nǚxìng was the emergence of women and Nánxìng for men, unfortunately, was effeminated and emasculated by Western and Japan powers, bringing peril to Jiazhang's ideals for men. (Brownell &Wasserstrom 2002, p.28-29)
The New Cultural Movement and May the 4th 五四文化运动 would be a demonstration of anti-imperialism. (Sechiyama 2013, p.224) But as well anti-Confucianism 反儒家 Fǎn rújiā in this line of defining new and better conditions for women as Funǚwenti , the women's question.(Mann 2011, p.49) Bringing to the table the topic of sexuality to define both Feminity and Masculinity. New Cultural movement radicals would oppose former Da Jiating family dynamics and form the term Xiao Jiating which was inspired by Western family culture. (Glosser 2002, p.121) Their modernisation of ideal family would have emotional implications, free marriage of love, cooperation and sharing tasks for both spouses, monogamy would be applied and the mother, father and children would not live with their elders.(p.133)
During the Republican period, gender equality was one of the main focus and pointed up “natural rights” to be given to women. As well monogamy and free choice of mate were promoted back then, only a few well off families would have concubines. 1930's saw a Divorce law given ten legal grounds for women to file for divorce compared to Qing divorce laws which were centered around the husband requirements to divorce the wife. A very liberal approach which unfortunately did not break the archaic family system, as remarriage as Confucian stigma was never put in doubts in Republican period and many women would not file for divorce because of lingering norms and financial reasons. Also widows would loose properties in case of an heir would claim it, as the reforms of the Republican period were to support children against the parents' authority. In Republican Era, the emergence and establishment of modern “New women” marked the end of men's polygamy and open up the work market to women who would seek education and social contacts, breaking the seclusion norms of Qing. Concubines status disappeared later on. Republican period despite the emergence of New women was still an era where women were targeted by wars, assaults and rapes (Total war and brutal invasion by Japan 1937-1945). Monogamy emerged but the Confucian family gender roles were still very much applied in the basis of categorizing women and men in family gender roles. (Mann 2011, p.75)
PRC and Post Mao's period:
Communist-socialist PRC period established to break the older family system and its gender roles in a striking manner. The collectivization of Agriculture sector, collective Dining Halls, the assignments by the Nation State of women to work places and Divorce law (which did not require specific reasons to proceed) had for effect to bring women out of their homes, break the patriarchy and family authority over women.(Sechiyama 2013, p.228) As well the Nationwide campaigns like “Draw a clear line of distinction (划清界线) was to separate the collectivist communities from traditionalists, calling out the latter, disregarding family bonds in the process. (p.229-230) This being another example of calling to break the Confucian family roles and specifically blind filliality and loyalty promoted in the “ignorant women” Confucian ideal, intending to put an end to the influence of hierarchy and patriarchy in the process. Socialism pull women out of their home and encourage them to fight Patriarchy. The gender roles ideals in Maoist's period were “androgynous” and disconnected from the family, despite love marriage being promised to everyone. At that time the liberation of women was primordial for China's production success. During the Great Leap forward sexes segregation was the most disestablished, women entered men's political, working, and social realms. (p.228) Sexuality in this liberation of women's period had surprisingly no discussion grounds in that matter. Under Mao, ideally husbands and wives would marry for love, reproduce for the sake of the country labor's needs and work actively for the building of a strong Nation.
Socialism was not able to make housewives role disappear, it brought the emergence of it instead. (Sechiyama 2013, p.236-237) This due to the indeginisation of socialism and turning private the majority of the Agriculture sector, which lead to many women losing their work placements, returning to the hearth, Post-Mao. In this period of Authoritarian Capitalism, the government was counter productive of the reforms made during the first decades of PRC, in the attempt to mend PRC's negative social effects, such as children born out of wedlock or intercourse out of marriage. From 1979 the State tried to promote marriage and reconciliation , linking again the family and the State in traditional values. (Mann 2011, p.77) China's government in contemporary and modern times reintroduced aspects of older family gender roles and systems for their own profits, putting in danger women's condition. This relapse had also another sordid feature, which is the One child policy which brought much social issues from the 80's up to today despite its dissolution later on. As social issues the One child policy brought back pressure on family gender roles by focusing on having sons, patrilinity, as well informal young women trade and infanticide of daughters will surge this leading to a women population ratio inferior to men. (p.78) We can still find nowadays Chinese expressions which are a systematic reminder of the society's expectations holding women to lingering archaic norms despite their individual freedom and natural rights such as : 接男宝 Jiē nán bǎo (receive a boy as a treasure) or the expression Péiqián huò 赔钱货 suggests the family would loose money on daughters. (as they requires traditionally dowry) China has always depended on family norms to gain societal control and order. (Mann 2011, p.79) To this effect we can mention Extra-legal standards hold in Chinese society; the law gave people individual freedom and private rights (Ma, p.451 ), but those are not claimed due to the fact archaic family's gender roles and norms linger still up to today. Family members would put first collectivist or traditional social duties instead of their own personal rights. This feature of China defined the family gender roles nowadays.
Conclusion:
The modernisation of China's family ideals in terms of gender roles; transitioned from under Confucianist patriarchal and hierarchy heavy influences, towards New Cultural radicals Xiao Jiating concept, Communist-collectivist's non-sexualised ”androgynous” ideal, and finally end up today under lingering traditional norms controlling family dynamics in a society ruled by egalitarian and positive law. This last century, the modernisation of family gender roles ideals happened under law changes, but is still much hindered by archaic social norms expressed in Chinese linguistic and expressions, thus an everyday remainder of Jiazhang's influences.
REFERENCE LIST
Brownell, S., & Wasserstrom, J. N. (Eds.). (2002). Chinese femininities/chinese masculinities: A reader. Retrieved from ProQuest Ebook
Glosser, S. “The Truths I Have Learned”: Nationalism, Family Reform, and Male Identity in China’s New Culture Movement, 1915–1923,” in Brownell, S., & Wasserstrom, J. N. (Eds.). (2002). Chinese femininities/chinese masculinities : A reader. pp. 120-144
Hodge, R. I. V., Hodge, B., & Louie, K. (1998). The politics of Chinese language and culture: The art of reading dragons. Psychology Press.
Ma H.P (1971) Philosphy East and West Vol. 21, No. 4, Symposium on Law and Morality: East and West, pp.443-460 University of Hawai Press.
Sechiyama, K. (2013). Patriarchy in East Asia: A comparative sociology of gender. Retrieved from ProQuest Ebook
Susan Mann, Gender and Sexuality in Modern Chinese History (2011) New York: Cambridge University Press
